Thank you, Isha, for that introduction and for moderating today’s event.
Your Excellency, Dr. Julius Maada Wonie Bio, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone, I thank you for joining us today and wish to commend the Government of Sierra Leone for sharing its hard-earned historical knowledge with the world, having experienced the horrors of sexual violence in conflict and having successfully transitioned to recovery and peace.
I further express my sincere appreciation to Her Excellency, Dr. Fatima Maada Bio, First Lady of the Republic of Sierra Leone, for lending her voice to victims of war who have long been voiceless, and shining a spotlight on the plight and rights of children born of war, as a tireless advocate for the rights of women and children in her own country and on the world stage.
I am also honored to be joined by Her Excellency, Madame Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi, First Lady of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who has worked with passion and compassion to promote the rights and empowerment of women and girls, and has partnered with my mandate as a Global Champion in the Fight Against Sexual Violence in Conflict since 2019.
On this occasion, I pay tribute to all survivors and children born of wartime rape. You will hear one such voice today from South Sudan. Firsthand accounts have rarely been heard in the United Nations, but they are critical to building a historical record for these harms. The calls to action of those directly affected by the scourge of conflict-related sexual violence serve as the moral compass and guiding light for my mandate.
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Excellencies, Distinguished participants:
Throughout history, and across diverse geographical contexts, children born of wartime rape have been stigmatised as “children of the enemy” by societies suffering the trauma and rupture of war. They are often marginalized and rejected, resulting in exposure to a range of physical, psychosocial, economic and cultural harms. Women and girls who become pregnant through rape are often subject to “double stigmatization”, as sexual violence survivors and as mothers, which can have transgenerational effects.
It is rightly said, that for women and children, war is not over when it’s over. Children born of sexual violence suffer as a result of their mother’s own stigmatization, and are at heightened risk of infanticide, abuse, and abandonment.
During the Second World War, hundreds of thousands of children were born as a result of rape. Viewed as the embodiment of the trauma and divisions of war, they faced decades of discrimination, rejection, and social exclusion. During the civil war in Sierra Leone, the widespread use of sexual violence against women and girls resulted in an estimated 20,000 children born of rape. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, women were held captive in “rape camps” and only released when it was no longer safe or possible to terminate the pregnancy. During the conflict in northern Uganda, thousands of young girls were abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army and forced to bear children in appalling conditions to replenish the group’s forces, resulting in an estimated 8,000 children born of war.
These crimes cast a long shadow. They have the power to turn victims into social outcasts, destroying family and community cohesion. Yet, international security policy has been silent – not only about the rights of these children – but about their very existence.
In response, in 2019, under the Presidency of Germany, the Security Council adopted resolution 2467, which addressed this global protection gap. It urged States to recognize and uphold the connected and distinct rights of survivors and children born of sexual violence in conflict, consistent with their obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This resolution further requested a Special Report on these issues, which was prepared by my Office in consultation with the full range of relevant partners and stakeholders.
The Special Report, which spanned 24 contexts from 1990 to the present, found that being born of wartime rape carries both immediate and enduring risks, including: statelessness, discrimination, impeded access to education, food, and shelter. Deprived of viable options for economic security and social status, they may be susceptible to exploitation, trafficking, abduction, radicalization, and recruitment to armed or criminal groups. These children are often subjected to prejudicial naming practices, such as “children of bad memories” in Rwanda, “children of the enemy” in Timor-Leste, “Kony’s children” in Uganda, or given dehumanizing labels such as “Boko Haram snakes” in Nigeria – leading to real and lasting harm. Negative social perceptions can become self-fulfilling prophecies, hence the importance of countering harmful narratives that these children are inherently “bad blood” or “internal enemies”.
Before you today is a Global Declaration of Principles on the Rights of Children Born of Conflict-related Rape, which aims to translate the findings and recommendations of the Special Report into practice, by addressing the full range of barriers to realizing their rights. This comes against the backdrop of insufficient political attention and financial resources dedicated to this issue, including the absence of comprehensive legal and policy frameworks.
The ten principles reflected in the declaration are rooted in existing norms of international law, drawn from relevant treaties, resolutions and regional instruments, and aim to galvanize efforts where they are needed most. These principles include the right to a legal identity and nationality in order to prevent and remedy statelessness. The right to non-discrimination and equal treatment aims to avoid exclusion and harms that can endure long into adulthood. The right to family and protection speaks to the risks of separation and the importance of family reunification, guardianship and adoption procedures, guided by the best interests of the child. Counselling and support for survivors, in managing how and whether they disclose their children’s origins is critical, as is fostering a social safety net of peer support and solidarity networks. When the initial violation goes unaddressed, there are often cascading harms and hardships, which pass from mother to child and compound over time, hence the importance of the principle of access to justice, reparations and legal aid. Tainted by their father’s crime, children may be dispossessed of their inheritance, infringing their right to ownership of land and property, hence access to housing and employment opportunities are essential. The declaration further emphasizes the right to participation and voice as part of preventing future violations and urges international solidarity and cooperation, notably by allocating sustainable funding for sustainable solutions through the Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Multi-Partner Trust Fund, which supports my mandate.
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We must be clear: To be born of a crime is not a crime. Through no fault of their own, and no fault of their mothers, these children carry the mark of stigma. Too often, they are invisible in our peace processes, absent from our humanitarian response, and left unprotected by laws and policies. Yet these children are both rights-holders themselves and stakeholders in the future of their societies. Moving forward, socioeconomic reintegration support for survivors and their dependents must infuse all peacebuilding and conflict-recovery efforts.
We often lament the many unintended consequences of war. But let us make no mistake: Children born of wartime rape are not a collateral consequence or inevitable byproduct of war. Rather, they are the intended consequence of a deliberate tactic to alter the ethnic composition of contested territory. Perhaps the most notorious contemporary example is ٲ’e’s so-called “cubs of the caliphate”, born of rape, forced marriage and sexual slavery, intended to swell the ranks of future recruits, giving rise to a generation of children that could be raised in their own image, according to their extremist ideology. This issue is therefore a matter of both human rights and collective security.
In Iraq, I visited shelters full of abandoned children, where women shared with me the agony of having to make the ‘impossible choice’ between abandoning their children or severing ties with their community of origin, which would not accept them. I have spoken to young mothers in South Sudan released from the grip of armed groups along with their children born of rape. In Nigeria, I met dozens of young girls who had been released from Boko Haram captivity with their babies. On account of their perceived association, they had endured constant abuse by other displaced persons living in the camps. Today, girls abducted from their schools by Boko Haram remain in captivity, bearing children while still children themselves. In April, I met a young woman in Port Sudan, who was gang-raped at gunpoint by four members of the RSF on her way to collect her diploma in Khartoum. Later, when she realized she was pregnant, she knew she could never return home to face her family. In Kosovo, research found that 86 per cent of survivors continued to experience post-traumatic stress 25 years after the conflict. The effect is to rupture the fabric of society and family life long after the guns fall silent.
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Since taking office as Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict in 2017, I have spared no effort to promote the rights and amplify the plight of these children and their mothers, as the most understudied and underserved categories of war victims. On many occasions, including today’s event, I have used my mandate to provide a platform for children born of war to share their experiences, in order to expand the scope of recognition and rights, to leave no one behind, and bridge unheard voices to the international donor and diplomatic community. Recently, a young Bosnian woman stood up at a public event and stated: “I am a child born of rape during the conflict. Twenty-six years later, my mother and I continue to live with the stigma”. She broke her silence to tell the world about the evolving and long term needs these individuals face throughout the life cycle, and to demand interventions that are tailored to respond and evolve accordingly.
In this respect, some glimmers of hope are evident in good practices from a few conflict-affected States. For instance, the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina has adopted a number of important initiatives to address the issue of wartime sexual violence, including the adoption in 2024 of the Law on the Protection of Civilian Victims of War, which recognizes children born of wartime rape as a special category of victims. In the wake of war, Sierra Leone made important strides in strengthening their legislation and supporting community-based reintegration and efforts to counter stigma through awareness-raising and fostering solidarity networks. In Rwanda, the school curriculum was revised in the wake of genocide to incorporate specific discussion on children born of rape to help offset peer discrimination and harassment. In Nepal, survivors of sexual violence and children born of rape were integrated into the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. In the DRC, the 2022 reparations law includes a provision granting children born of rape legal status through birth certificates and civil registration. Last August, of the 1,800 children born of rape registered in the Kasai provinces, 1,200 have received birth certificates and civil registration, as well as psychological support, school enrollment, and social assistance.
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Excellencies,
As we hear so often during the United Nations General Assembly, the Second World War seared into our collective conscience the words “never again” and the imperative of “saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. This Organization was itself born of war – 80 years ago – to chart the path to peace. That path must extend to future generations. As we work to consign sexual violence to the ashes of history, let us ensure that the children born as a result get the future they deserve. History will judge us not only by how we end wars, but by how we care for those innocent civilians who bear the brunt of their brutality. No child is an enemy. No womb is a weapon.
The cost of silence and neglect is too high. Without action, at the level of laws, policies, and institutions, lives and livelihoods will be lost. Without targeted support, survivors and their children will be set on a trajectory of poverty, isolation, violence and ever-increasing obstacles to realizing their dignity and dreams. No child is illegal. No child is born to be invisible. Though conceived in the violence of war, peace is their birthright, not prejudice and pain. We cannot allow lost childhoods to become precarious adulthoods, and the claim of universal human rights to ring hollow in these halls. We know that shame and taboos have a silencing effect. So let us seize this opportunity to speak out, inspired by the bravery of survivors themselves, and sign the Global Declaration to bring these children out of the shadows and into the light of legal protection and lasting solidarity.
Thank you.